"It was in the eighteen-eighties that Viktor Rydberg, with 
					passionate energy, plunged into the study of Germanic 
					mythology, What prompted him to enter upon this study was a 
					pamphlet, published in 1876 by a Norwegian scholar, Dr. 
					Bang, in which the author set out to prove connection 
					between The Voluspa and the Sibylline Oracles, and which 
					seemed to support the views set forth shortly before by 
					Sophus Bugge that many Old Norse sagas were partly of 
					antique-classical, partly of Jewish-Christian origin, and 
					that they had been carried over to Scandinavia from the 
					British isles in the Viking days. Rydberg found himself 
					called upon to appear as an Opponent to Dr. Bang and 
					published, in 1881, a treatise, The Sibylline Books and the 
					Voluspa, in which he subjected Dr. Bang's arguments to 
					severe criticism. From his boyhood, Rydberg had been 
					interested in the Old Norse myths; some passages out of the 
					Voluspa, besides the catechism, had been the printed matter 
					from which he learned to read. Now, mythology was to keep 
					him spellbound for many years. During these years, 
					especially the· beginning of the eighties, he hardly allowed 
					himself time for food and rest. Whole days and nights 
					through he would sit lost in his speculations without 
					leaving his writing-desk, without saying a word to those 
					around him. He shut himself off from all intercourse, did 
					not communicate with the outside world. Rydberg's untiring 
					labours resulted in his Undersokningar i Germansk mytologi~ 
					in two imposing volumes, the first published in 1886, the 
					second in 1889. English, French, and German editions of the 
					first volume were planned, but only the English translation 
					was carried out. The translator was Rasmus R. Anderson, 
					United States ex-minister to Denmark, whose offer to 
					translate the book was greeted with joy by Viktor Rydberg. 
					The book was reviewed by several German scholars, who all 
					took up a more or less disparaging attitude towards 
					Rydberg's methods of investigation and his results. Although 
					they speak with high praise of the author's learning, his 
					thorough insight, his ability occasionally to throw light 
					upon intricate problems by means of ingenious suggestions, 
					they criticize severely his hazardous etymologies, his 
					identification of different mythical figures without 
					sufficient grounds, his mixing up of heroic saga and myth, 
					and, above all, his bent for remodelling myths in order to 
					make them fit into a system which (they say) never existed. 
					The general opinion prevails that the poet in him had a 
					fatal influence on the scholar. "Rydbergs Undersökningar 
					sind zum grossen Theile keine streng wissenschaftliche 
					Behandlung der My then sondern geistreiche Construction en 
					eines Dichters" (Detter). "Die dichterische Schopferkraft 
					hat Rydbergs wissenschaftlichen Sinn zu boden geworfen" (E. 
					H. Meyer). Among contemporary Swedish reviewers, Hildebrand 
					and Båath are appreciative; especially the latter bestows 
					unreserved praise' on Rydberg's work. On the other hand, 
					Rydberg met with severe criticism later from A. Noreen, who 
					blames him for misinterpretation of the myths: what Rydberg 
					holds to be primeval myths are often inventions of a later 
					date, christianized, systematized by theologians. "The first 
					of the theologians whose name is known to us, was Snorre, 
					the last Viktor Rydberg ... Rydberg is not a restorer of old 
					myths but something far greater - a creative artist, a great 
					poet". Schück endorses the opinion that Rydberg's great work 
					is a failure and finds an explanation in the fact that his 
					researches had earlier turned on theological subjects: in 
					particular, he had penetrated deeply into the theological 
					system of the Middle Ages, and the views with which he had 
					become familiar during these studies, he brought with him 
					when turning to mythology. Here too he wanted to find a 
					system. E. H. Meyer in his first review' had already 
					emphasized the fatal influence which these circumstances 
					seem to have exercised on Rydberg's work. Rydberg's work 
					was, then, stamped as a failure, and this verdict which from 
					certain points of view cannot be considered unjust, seems to 
					have caused the book to fall into oblivion! a fate which 
					surely it has not deserved. In spite of fundamental 
					deficiencies and many errors in detail, the book presents 
					stimulating reading, and even the severest critic should 
					recognize Rydberg's many ingenious deductions.      
					 As already mentioned the first volume was translated into 
					English. Within the Anglo-Saxon world the book seems to have 
					attracted some attention. In a translation of Saxo 
					Grammaticus, published by Elton, Mr Powell has written an 
					introduction where, among other things, he treats of Saxo's 
					mythology. We here find the following enthusiastic 
					appreciation of Viktor Rydberg: 
					
					"No one has commented upon Saxo's 
					mythology with such brilliancy, such minute consideration, 
					and such success as the Swedish scholar, Victor Rydberg. 
					More than occasionally he is over-ingenious and over-anxious 
					to reduce chaos to order; sometimes he almost loses his 
					faithful reader in the maze he treads so easily and 
					confidently, and sometimes he stumbles badly. But he has 
					placed the whole subject on a fresh footing ... " ,
					Stopford A. Brooke, in his History of 
					Early English Literature, refers to Rydberg's researches on 
					some points and says about his book: 
					
					"When we have made every allowance for 
					a certain fancifulness, and for the bias which a well-loved 
					theory creates, this book is a real contribution to Northern 
					mythology ... ".
					 
					         
					Another proof of Anglo-Saxon appreciation is that the book 
					has been considered worthy of a re-print. It was indeed 
					published by a so-called "Norroena Society", in 1906, in 
					three extremely handsome volumes bound in leather, the 
					impression being limited to 450 copies. The latter part of 
					Rydberg's work, which only appeared in Swedish, is certainly 
					not widely known. I have not seen many signs, for instance, 
					of scholars having paid attention to Ryd- berg's 
					contribution to Beowulf research. Yet Rydberg devotes 
					several pages, chiefly in the second part of his book, to 
					un- ravelling problems touching upon the mythical elements 
					of the Beowulf-poem. His theories, with due regard paid to 
					the views prevailing at the time when his work was 
					published, are not void of interest, and, whatever their 
					deficiencies, they are re- markable for their originality. 
					Even though the views set forth by Rydberg never stood a 
					chance of being accepted, there are points in his exposition 
					that, deserve being once more brought to light. Among the 
					questions discussed by Rydberg, I choose to state his views 
					on Grendel (in the first part of his book), his comments on 
					nature-myths, the Breca Episode, and the Haethcyn-Herebeald 
					Episode." "...Rydberg took up a very critical attitude 
					towards what he calls the "myth-meteorological" school: 
					 "The gravest fault that this school has committed from a 
					methodological point of view is that it has not seen the 
					difference between mythogony and mythology, that is to say, 
					the difference between the science of the origin of myths 
					and the science of their present contents, their epic 
					connection and historic development. Mythogony, which is an 
					ethno-psychological and ethnographic science, . has been 
					regarded by this school as mythology. Connected with this 
					methodological fault is the untenable conception from which 
					this school starts, namely that myths in their present form 
					contain appropriate material, by the aid of which it is 
					possible to explain their origin from different phenomena: 
					from the storm, the lightning, the dawn, or the sunset glow 
					etc. This fault became aggravated through the influence of 
					the philologists who imagined, when a mythical person's name 
					had been interpreted and found to mean 'the roaring one', 
					'the shining one' etc., that all myths connected with him 
					could be explained from this meaning of the name. This 
					meteorologic-etymological school has been blind to the fact 
					that the myths, whatever their genesis - and it is highly 
					probable that several of them have indeed arisen from the 
					effect of natural phenomena on the imagination - exist now 
					in a form that they have attained after a process of 
					development, continued for an indefinite number of thousands 
					of years, during which time quite other factors than the 
					phenomena of sky and weather were working on behalf of the 
					genesis of new myths and the transformation of the old 
					nature- myths. "It may be safely asserted that since the 
					time when super- human forces began to be shaped by man's 
					imagination into concrete personalities, everyone with his 
					definite character and his sphere of activity marked out, 
					the purely nature-mythical elements of the myths faded or 
					were more or less remodelled, and were combined with 
					elements of quite a different origin and character ..." 
					"...in order to solve its tasks, mythogony has to regard 
					myths in their present form as material to be used only with 
					the greatest discrimination, and as being only a slight 
					portion of the material it has to collect and examine. It is 
					the new folklore movement, with its investigation into 
					ethno-psychology, from which we have to expect a mythogony 
					that will be able to solve its task".  The 
					Herebeald-Hrethcyn Episode  "The 'Geat' princes with whom 
					Beowulf has been brought up are Herebeald and Heethcyn. A 
					careless and disastrous shot from Haethcyn's bow kills his 
					brother Herebeald. The prototype of this episode is the myth 
					of Balder's death, caused by an arrow from his brother Had's 
					bow. It is strange that students of the Beowulf- poem should 
					have overlooked this connection, as the names of Had and 
					Balder reappear in Haethcyn and Herebeald and as Herebeald 
					and Haethcyn are brothers like Balder and Had, and one is 
					killed  accidentally by the other's arrow . . .                       
					"After Haethcyn has unintentionally killed his brother, he 
					goes to the wars and falls at the hand of the Swedish king 
					Ongentheow, according to the Beowulf-poem. Thus the latter 
					has succeeded the Vali of the myth as the slayer of 
					Hrethcyn. The statement of Hyndluljod that one Angantyr 
					(Ongentheow) claimed the inheritance of Vali's sword [vala 
					malmi, Hyndluljóð 9] the sword that slew Had, is 
					evidently mythically connected herewith and confirms the 
					original identity of Herebeald and Haethcyn with Balder and 
					Had. "Saxo's tale of Had's (Hotherus') death is also 
					mythically connected with the Beowulf-poem. Saxo, who 
					supposed Herebeald's and Haethcyn's fosterbrother Beowulf to 
					be identical with Balder's and Had's brother Vali, makes 
					Beowulf, under the name of Bous, avenge Balder and slay. 
					Had. Saxo's account of the burial of Bous reminds us of the 
					description of Beowulf's burial in the poem. Bous is 
					accorded a sumptuous funeral (cujus corpus magnifico funeris 
					apparatu Rutenus tumulauit exercitus), Beowulf is buried in 
					a gigantic mound, filled with treasures, helmets, coats of 
					mail etc. The name of Bous is attached to the mound (nomine 
					ejus insignem collem), Beowulf himself orders that his mound 
					shall bear his name. It is piled on a headland, Hrone's ness 
					("Whalesness"). Vali, whose role Saxo has given to Bous, 
					bears the epithet Ranr and, in heroic legend, Hrane, as I 
					have shown elsewhere. "The Beowulf-poem makes its hero take 
					part in a war between Onela-Ali and Eadgils-Athils. The 
					mythical counterpart of this is what was told above of Bjarr 
					taking part in the celebrated winter campaign, when gods, 
					heroes, primeval smiths and emigration leaders til tss 
					ritru, - in which campaign Bjarr fought on one side, one 
					King Athils on the other. Undoubtedly there is some 
					connection between this and the fact that just as the 
					Beowulf-poem tells about the death of the Swedish king 
					Ongentheow, fighting alone against two warriors, so does 
					Saxo tell, about the death of a Swedish king Athislus; and 
					also that the description in the Beowulf-poem of the 
					character and exploits of King Ongentheow agrees with Saxo's 
					description of Athislus. Whilst the myth made Bjarr fight 
					against Athils, the Beowulf-poem makes Beowulf fight partly 
					against one Eadgils-Athils", partly against one Ongentheow, 
					whose character, adventures and death calls to mind his 
					original identity with one Athislus ... " Detter, after 
					enumerating some interesting ohservations made by Rydberg, 
					goes on to say: "Die hübscheste dieser Bemerkungen findet 
					sich s. 6651; Haedcyn ist Hodr, Herebeald sein Bruder. Wir 
					haben also hier ganz deutlich den Baldr-mythus vor uns. Ich 
					bemerke class mir mein Lehrer Prof. Heinzel schon vor langer 
					Zeit dasselbe mitgetheilt hat.       
					Nerman, who made the same observation many years afterwards, 
					found later on that the identity (of Herebeald and Balder) 
					had been already noticed by others; he refers to Englische 
					Studien, LIV, where the matter is discussed.' In this volume 
					it is stated (p. 33) that Gisle Brynjulfsson was the first 
					to point out the resemblance between the episode and the 
					myth, but from the way in which Brynjulfsson expresses 
					himself in the passage referred to it is not obvious that he 
					means to connect the episode in question with the myth of 
					Balder. I think Rydberg is the one who first stated the 
					connection in plain terms, but no mention is made of him. 
					Klaeber, on the other hand, refers to Rydberg among other 
					scholars, who have discussed this question. 
					
					
					 
					 
					1942 D. Whitelock
					The Year's Work in English Studies
					
					"... In his relation of the Herebeald- Haethcyn story to the 
					Balder myth Rydberg has had some following, and he 
					anticipated Schütte in identifying Ongentheow with Saxo's 
					Athislus."
					
					
					
1943 Hilda R. Ellis Davidson 
					The Road to Hel
					 
					“All through the heathen period belief and thought was 
					shifting and fluid, varying according to local cultures, 
					developing in accordance with particular influences in 
					specific localities; and the oral literature that reflected 
					it was shifting and developing too.”
					 
					“The evidence for Odainsakr in Norse literature is slight 
					and tantilising. Rydberg (Teutonic Mythology, trans. 
					Anderson, London, 1889) built up a fascinating but wild 
					theory around it equating it, among other places, with the 
					land behind the high wall in the story of Hadingus, and the 
					land beyond the golden bridge next to Gudmundr’s realm in 
					Saxo; but we have unfortunately no grounds for accepting 
					these suggestions, pleasant though they might seem, without 
					more weighty evidence. Apart from the reference in Saxo to 
					Fjaller, governor of Scandia, who is said to have been 
					driven into exile and ‘to have retired to a spot called 
					Undersakre, unknown to our people’ (IV 105), we are limited 
					to the strange Saga Eiriks Vidförla in the Fornaldar 
					collection, which caused even Rydberg to despair because of 
					the preponderance of Christian influence.”
					 
					1945 John Gustaf Berg, Rolf Hillman
					
					Urval ur Viktor Rydbergs Diktning
					
					Tor [Thor]
					 Helge Ljungberg, 1947
					(Partially translated by William P. Reaves)
					(c)  2010 All Rights Reserved
					
					 
					Indra - Thor.  
					
					 
					Viktor Rydberg especially has collected in detail all 
					comparative mythological material concerning Indra and Thor 
					with the intent of showing the identity of both gods.  
					“The question is not as to similarity in special details,” 
					writes Rydberg, adding “that kind of similarities may be 
					pointed out in nearly all mythic groups in the world, and, 
					as a rule, altogether too bold hypotheses are built on the 
					feeble foundations they offer." (UGM1, p. 660)   
					1. According to Rigveda (9,28,5; 9,97,31; 9,72,2) a primeval 
					smith Tvashtar sharpened a heavenly-stone for Indra, like 
					Sindri forged Thor’s hammer. Animosity arose among the 
					smiths and the gods in the Indic and the Norse regions.   
					2. Indra like Thor was a son of “Mother Earth” (RV 4,17,2). 
					Both gods had two sets of parents one divine and one 
					belonging to the demon class. According to Rgveda Indra is 
					born at a point when the battle between good and evil forces 
					rages its worst (comparable to Ahriman’s struggle against 
					Ahura Mazdah) and when the forces of evil had taken the 
					forces of good into their power. Indra is born as a savior 
					under dramtic circumstances. The goddess Earth did not want 
					to know her fetus, but abandoned it. In the womb of the 
					deep-water giantess, Kusava, incubated the fetus. Her 
					husband, the giant Vyamsa, "as bad as Vrtra himself" (RV 
					1,32; 4,18,1) wanted to kill the fetus at the moment of 
					birth, but Indra broke his way out of his mother’s side and 
					newly born crushed Vyamsa’s head with the lightning wedge 
					(RV 4,22,3). Kusava, that Indra now “made a widow”, died of 
					sorrow, while the while the discarded gods rallied again. 
					Indra got a soma-drink from Tvastr, killed the dragon Vrtra 
					and liberated the bound masses of water so that the earth 
					could become fruitful again and released the sun from its 
					prison.   Rydberg maintained that this mythic 
					complex would reflect in the stories about Thor, if in a 
					distorted form. He assumed from the description in the 
					Prologue to Snorri’s Edda, according to which Thor was 
					raised in Thrace by the Duke Loricus. At twelve years old 
					Thor killed his foster-father and his wife Lora, took Thrace 
					for himself and traveled widely in the world “and alone 
					conquered all berserkers, giants and the greatest dragon, 
					and many animals.” Rydberg considers these similarities 
					sufficient to show the original identity of the myths 
					between Indra’s and Thor’s birth and youthful exploits.   
					3. According to one of the hymns of the Valakhilya (3,8) 
					Indra once took possession of a krivi (according to Rydberg 
					a mead-kettle) and killed the giant Susna, “drought”. Susna 
					lived on the other side of Rasa, the border river between 
					the worlds of the giants and the humans. Rydberg compared 
					this myth with the story of Thor and Hymir and held that one 
					probably had its root in the other.     
					4. The myth of Indra and the dragon Vrtra is well-known (RV 
					3,30,8).  
					The waters exceeded Vrtra. Han lay by their feet, the 
					dragon. In the middle of the never stopping, never sleeping 
					water’s course lay the serpent’s body. In far reaching 
					darkness Indra’s enemy sinks. (RV 1,32,8-10.) Indra hit 
					Vrtra i the head with the many-sided lightning-wedge. (RV 
					1,52,15.) Rydberg correctly establishes, like many before 
					and after him, the similarities with the myth of Thor and 
					the Midgard serpent.   5. A single giant, Rauhina, 
					dared to enter the gods’ dwelling, but was afterward crushed 
					by Indra’s lightning wedge (RV 1,103,2; 2,12,12). Indra 
					killed the giant on his own territory and brought along two 
					other gods on his journey. The myth shows similarities with 
					the story of Thor and Hrungnir.   6. The 
					giant-race the pani possessed fleet-footed horses and stole 
					the heavenly grain. They chased away and imprisoned the 
					rain-clouds and the morning dews, so that the earth dried 
					up. The gods, Indra before all others, undertook crusades to 
					punish the pani. Rydberg makes far-reaching comparisons 
					between the pani’s excellent horses those of the Nordic 
					giants (Gullfaxi) and wishes to prove that “giant-demons in 
					horse-shape” (like the Iranian Apaosa) exist in both the 
					Indic and Germanic mythology (Sleipnir, son of Loki and the 
					horse  
					Svadilfari, the demon Moinn in horse-form). Grain also 
					played a prominent role within Germanic mythology: according 
					to Lokasenna 23, Loki milked cows in the underworld for 
					eight years; white cows drew Terra Mater’s wagon according 
					to Tacitus.   7. Indra, accompanied by a group of 
					warriors, on one occasion had gone off to kill the giant 
					Ahi. The way there was difficult to find, and Ahi 
					complicated the journey further by sending hail-showers 
					toward Indra and his men (RV 1, 32, 13). They must wade 
					through 19 rivers (RV 1, 32, 14). Two of Indra’s companions 
					were almost drown but were rescued and carried to the other 
					shore by the god. At the meeting of Indra and Ahi, the giant 
					cast lightning toward Indra, but Indra was unharmed and 
					killed Ahi (RV 1, 32, 13). With that, the giantess’ caves 
					opened and the water gushed out. Similarities with the 
					Geirrod myth are obvious.   8. Indra stood in 
					irreconcileable opposition to all winter-powers and storms. 
					Rydberg compares the winter-giants with Gymir, and he 
					identifies the Sanskrit hima, Latin hiems, greek. χιών 
					'wintercold' and sees in him the same giant that Saxo calls 
					king Snow.   9. Both Thor and Indra ride in a 
					wagon through the atmosphere (RV 10, 89, 2; 49:7 etc.) but 
					walk on foot into the world of the giants. When they wade 
					through the streams of water, they grow in bodily size as 
					high as the wave-swells (RV 1, 52, 7 - Thorssdrapa 7).   
					10. Both gods require a considerable amount to eat and 
					drink. Indra feels stong when he eats 1,000 bulls, Thor is 
					satistfied with less. At Hymir’s (Hym. 15) he eats two 
					bulls. At Thrym’s (Thrymskvida 24) one bull and eight salmon 
					in addition to it. Indra was the greatest soma-drinker (RV 
					1,8,7): at one time, he emptied thirty bowls of soma (RV 
					8,66,4), while Thor in this regard was his superior; at 
					Skrymir’s he drank nearly the whole sea from a horn.   
					11. Indra’s thunder-wagon was yoked with haris, 'the 
					red-brown', that he slaughtered to revive again like Thor’s 
					goats.  
					  12. In character, Thor and Indra were completely like one another; 
					“friendly to humans”, “noble-minded” easily aroused, quickly 
					calmed again, basically good-hearted, joyous with song and 
					mead” which Rydberg using folk-pyschology, interpreted as a 
					creation from “the Aryan time of unity, when unsubdued  
					heroic courage was united with goodness and good-will as an 
					ideal.”   13. Rydberg maintains that Thor’s oldest 
					weapon, a hammer, was of stone, and sees this confirmed by 
					the folk-concept of the thunder-wedge (flint).  Indra’s 
					weapon, vajra, was “four-edged” like the swastika (RV 
					4,22,1,2).   14. The name Thor, according to 
					Rydberg, 'means “roarer' and is related to Sanskrit tan, 
					tanyati, 'roar', 'thunder', which is an ancient epithet for 
					Indra’s weapon probably also a name borne by Indra himself. 
					In Thor’s byname Einridi Rydberg sees a distorted echo of 
					Indra” every attempt to explain the word from the Norse 
					store of language “smacks of folk-etymology.”   
					15. Indra’s friend, ward and battle-brother was the hero 
					Kutsa, who belonged to the class of beings comparable to the 
					Norse alfar. Rgveda’s angiras and rbhus. Kutsa lived 
					together with his “judicial, imaginative” wife and a darling 
					son on a farm near the border-river Rasa. Kutsa fought, 
					alone or together with Indra, against the giant dasyus and 
					susnas. Indra stayed with him on his journeys to the giant’s 
					land. In Kutsa’s company Indra killed the giant Susna (RV 
					4,16,12; 1,63,3; 1,121,9 etc.). Kutsa rides together with 
					Indra on the thunder-wagon, etc (RV 2,19, 6). Rydberg 
					compiles Kutsa with the Norse Egill-Aurvandill. In the first 
					volune of his Investigations, Rydberg has sought to show the 
					identity of Völund’s brother Egill and Svipdag’s father 
					Aurvandill. Egill-Aurvandill lived by the Elivagor, the 
					boundary water between Jotunheimm and Asgardr, he was Thor’s 
					friend and received him on his farm. Rydberg identifies 
					Kutsa’s wife with Groa, »the dis of vegetation» Egill-Aur-
					
					
					vandil’s wife. Kutsa was like Egill the protector of crops. 
					Indra rescued Kutsa from mortal danger like Thor rescued 
					Egill-Aurvandill. Kutsa utilizes a weapon, “so 
					characteristic that it is called by his name kutsya” (RV 
					4,16,12). Rydberg gives approval that kutsya was a bow. 
					Egill-Aurvandill too was an archer.   In Rigveda 
					two other heroes are named beside Kutsa, Aya and Atithigva. 
					Aya, one of the smith-competent rbhus, Rydberg associates 
					with Old Norse Ajo, another name of the smith Volund. Egill 
					stood in the same relationship to Volund as Kutsa to Aya. 
					Kutsa, Aya and Atithigva  Gradually beome Indra’s enemies in 
					the same manner as Volundr, Egill and Slagfinr from having 
					been the gods’ friends to becoming their adversaries.  16. 
					Rydberg finally identifies Pusan and Thjalfi. “Among the 
					Rigveda-Aryans he became Indra’s ward, among the Germans he 
					became Thor’s.  Thialfi was an orphan, adopted into Egil’s 
					house (FAS 3, 241). Pusan too was an orphan encountered in a 
					concealing vavri (RV 10,5,5). Thialfi accompanied Thor on 
					his campaigns against the giants and took part in battles. 
					Pusan played the same role, when in Indra’s company he 
					fought the Vrtras (RV 6, 56,2). Thjalfi broke the goat’s 
					bone. The same is said of Pusan. Both had sisters who are 
					mentioned in the myths. “Pusan, like Thialfi, is the Aryan 
					tribes’s and family’s leader and defender, when they 
					 departed to find their new dwelling-places ...Among the 
					Rigveda-Aryans as well as the Germans, the same hero became 
					the defender of migrants and colonizers, and particularly in 
					the Germanic, the prototype for settlers. Det har synts mig 
					vasentligt att redogora for Rydbergs syn pa problemet 
					Thor-Indra, and this for many reasons. Rydbergs forskningar 
					har pa ett satt. som de ingalunda Iortjanar blivit 
					asidosatta in the scientific discussion. 
					Hans  sammanstallning of the mythological elements show that 
					he sjalv havdat, »gemensamhet in a large, central, 
					connected-myth complex»." Rydberg's view on the myth i 
					allmanhet och den vediska myten i synnerhet ar i stort sett 
					riktig, da den i vasentlighet vilar pa Bergaigne’s theories 
					about Iorhallandet between rite and myth. Svagheten i 
					Rydbergs position sammanhanger framfor allt med att han till 
					varje pris ville pressa fram likheter for att pa sa satt 
					stalla the Germanic mythology in samklang with the 
					Indo-European. Harmed samanmanhanger ocksa hans benagenhet 
					for en viss fri tolkning av de...  Obviously considerable 
					similarties exist between Indra and Thor although  not 
					to such a high degree as Rydberg wanted to prove. One has 
					pointed out, for example, a similarity in the 
					name-conception: *Þun-ra and Ind-ra, with the same suffix.
					Hela den stora fragan, huruvida gemensamma myth-complex 
					forelegat fardiga already during the so-called 
					Indo-European cultural time of unity, a question that 
					Rydberg tillmatte stor vikt, maste Iamnas obesvarad, da dels 
					prehistorien ar for litet kand for att kunna laggas till 
					grund for sakra slutsatser, dels fragan om mytkomplexens 
					uppkomst och vandringar mellan de olika kulturkretsarna 
					inrymmer alltfor manga osakerhetsmoment, for att man skall 
					kunna giva en helhetsbild by the mythic world. Av vikt ar 
					ocksa i detta sammanhang att understryka att ett flertal 
					Indra myths, som Rydberg ej tagit stallning till, inte ager 
					tillampning pa the Nordic thunder-god. The older forskningen 
					explained tamligen enhalligt Indra as the god of heaven. His 
					original character as a thunder-god is commonly maintained, 
					for example by Maurice Bloomfield and H. Oldenberg. 
					Macdonnell saw in Indra, partially a thundergod and secondly 
					a wargod. E. W. Hopkins had a strong feeling that the 
					disparate elements in the Indra-form that had “too much 
					storm in himself to be the sun, too much light to be the 
					storm, too closely related to monsoons to be the heaven and 
					too rainy to be the fire.”